The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin was far more than a routine diplomatic gathering; it underscored India’s growing stature as a strategic player in a rapidly changing global order. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping symbolized an attempt to recalibrate ties between Asia’s two largest nations, strained since the Galwan clash of June 2020. His first visit to China in seven years carried both symbolic and substantive weight.
Modi’s central message was unambiguous: peace and stability along the border remain the bedrock of India-China relations. Announcements such as the resumption of the Kailash Mansarovar pilgrimage and restoration of direct flights were not mere optics but confidence-building measures. His statement that “the interests of 2.8 billion people are tied to our partnership” signaled a vision extending beyond bilateral concerns, situating Indo-China cooperation as essential to global stability.
The summit unfolded against a backdrop of Washington’s rising economic coercion. The U.S. had recently imposed tariffs of up to 50% on Indian exports, creating fresh pressures on New Delhi. In this context, Beijing’s open pledge of support was a striking diplomatic success. The Chinese envoy’s assurance that “China will firmly stand with India and reject America’s politics of coercion” marked a subtle yet powerful shift. For India, this not only widened strategic space but also projected an image of resilience in navigating U.S. pressure.
Much of this ground was prepared in advance by National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, who led the 24th round of Special Representatives’ talks on the boundary issue. Agreements on border management, resumption of cross-border trade, and mutual support during upcoming BRICS presidencies (2026–27) were outcomes of this groundwork. They revealed that, while mistrust lingers, cooperation is taking tentative root.
A defining feature of Indian diplomacy at Tianjin was its uncompromising stand on terrorism. Citing the recent attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, Modi declared that “double standards on terrorism are unacceptable.” The message, aimed primarily at Pakistan, resonated across the forum. The SCO’s joint declaration echoed this language, condemning terrorism in all forms without caveats—a notable victory for India, which has long sought global recognition of its stance.
Equally significant was Modi’s emphasis on connectivity. While Xi called for “seeking common ground while setting aside differences,” Modi firmly underlined that connectivity initiatives must respect national sovereignty—an implicit critique of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which runs through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Instead, India projected its vision of inclusive connectivity through initiatives like the Chabahar Port and the International North-South Transport Corridor, which prioritize trust, equality, and genuine partnership.
The summit also reopened discussions on the Russia-India-China (RIC) trilateral dialogue. Once seen as a balancing mechanism against Western dominance, RIC could emerge as a vital pillar of a multipolar order. Keeping this in mind, Cult Current has focused its cover story on this very subject. In today’s climate, with the U.S. retreating into protectionism and Europe reduced to a secondary role, the revival of RIC carries strategic significance for India’s pursuit of greater autonomy in world affairs.
For New Delhi, the Tianjin summit was about more than mending ties with Beijing. It showcased India’s ability to shape narratives on terrorism, economic resilience, and connectivity while engaging major powers on equal terms. The outcomes—border stability, China’s support against U.S. tariffs, an international endorsement of India’s anti-terror position, and the framing of an alternative connectivity model—collectively highlighted India as the standout diplomatic force at the forum.
Challenges remain. The structural fault lines in India-China relations are deep, and trust cannot be rebuilt overnight. Yet Tianjin demonstrated that New Delhi is willing to engage pragmatically, balancing confrontation with dialogue, and safeguarding sovereignty while exploring cooperation.
Ultimately, the summit reflected India’s diplomatic confidence. No longer seen as a peripheral player, it has emerged as a country capable of shaping the rules of engagement in Asia and beyond. The real challenge now lies in sustaining this momentum and translating diplomatic breakthroughs into durable policy outcomes. But there is little doubt that Tianjin has opened a new horizon for Indian diplomacy—one where India is not merely a participant but an architect of the emerging world order.